On October 11, 2025, the Twic East Community Association (TECA) issued a formal “Withdrawal of Confidence” against MP Deng Dau Deng Malek, alleging poor performance and a failure to represent the community’s interests effectively. One of the charges, according to rumors, was his continued involvement with the disowned Greater Bor Community (GBC).
Speculation also suggested that influential figures within TECA in Juba may have raised approximately US$500,000 to lobby the SPLM party for Dau’s revocation in the National Assembly. In response, the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) revoked TECA’s registration on January 7, 2026, citing violations of the NGOs Act, 2016. RRC ruled that TECA, as a humanitarian non-profit organization, engaged in prohibited political activities by mobilizing people against an elected official. This escalation has intensified political friction within Jonglei State, prompting the following analysis:
I will address Gen. Biar Mading Biar specifically, rather than TECA as a whole for two primary reasons. First, the recent correspondence lacks the broad endorsement of the community’s leadership; it lacks the signatures of the Paramount Chief, the youth and the women’s representatives, and key political or religious figures. Secondly, I believe Gen Biar’s actions are driven by poor judgment rather than communal consensus.
My first encounter with Gen Biar occurred during his tenure as State Minister of Public Service and HRD in Jonglei during the administration of Governor Denay Jock Chagor. At a workshop I at the Park Palace Hotel with some colleagues from the John Garang University, he claimed that “educated people, especially those with PhDs,” were destroying the country—conveniently forgetting that our founding father, Dr John Garang, was a scholar. Immediately after, I began to assemble my points to blaze him up, but soon after, he sensed the impending unflinching anger in our eyes. That very day, he missed narrowly my wrath. His tendency for offensive outbursts led me and my colleagues to conclude that he was prone to irrationality.
When he succeeded Gen. Bior Ajang Duot as the Chairman of the Twic East community I feared his temperament would eventually lead to the victimization of others. Unfortunately, that fear has been realized in his treatment of Dau. Dau is currently a victim of “politics of envy,” where resentment and emotional manipulation have replaced evidence-based discourse. When jealousy supersedes reality, genuine governance and social issues are ignored in favor of rhetoric.
Gen Biar and his behind-the-curtain associates have repeatedly attempted to unseat Dau, yet they continue to fail. Their current attempt is particularly ill-timed as South Sudan approaches the December 2026 elections—a period when Twic East and GBC should be prioritizing the safe return of the displaced people from IDPs and refugee camps and livestock from Equatoria and Lakes State. While some may view my comments as interference, I am speaking up because I’m a neighbor with a vested interest in the welfare of the Twic East community; the stability of one’s neighbor directly impacts one’s own well-being — a core concept of “Neighborhood Effect” or the “Spillover Effect” theory in sociology. This perspective is consistent with the conclusions drawn by Jenna Donohue, a professor of normative ethics and political philosophy at the University of Arkansas, who argued that to stay silent during mistreatment and injustice, is equivalent to complicity. Consequently, I am morally obligated to speak out against the repeated injustices facing Dau. To repeat the same failed actions while expecting a different outcome is the definition of insanity, yet this power struggle against Dau—the legitimate representative in the National Assembly —continues to resurface with the same results.
Having closely followed the Twic East affairs, it is clear to me that Dau is simply a victim of a political witch-hunt by rivals who are envious of his popularity, performance, and public charisma. The latest escalation occurred when a communiqué was issued claiming to withdraw the community’s confidence in him. However, this document was fundamentally flawed: it was addressed to the open air, rather than to the Speaker of the National Assembly, Jemma Nunu Kumba. Gen. Biar et al’s failure to realize that the Speaker cannot act on a letter where she is merely copied, demonstrates a significant lack of professional protocol. Furthermore, Paramount Chief Manyok Ajak Majok and other traditional leaders have publicly disowned the letter in a video circulating online. This lack of legitimacy renders the document baseless and potentially defamatory.
Gen Biar Mading, the Chairman of the Juba-based TECA, is tasked with managing a non-partisan humanitarian organization dedicated to community welfare and public interest. In contrast, Dau serves as a Member of Parliament representing Twic East, where his official mandate is to legislate and guide national development. By consistently engaging in partisan politics, Gen Biar Mading and TECA have overstepped their humanitarian mandate, violating the core principles of neutrality and independence. This, too, is going to be a lesson though for other community associations in Juba and elsewhere in the country, including the Bor Community Association (BCA). TECA’s recent political advocacy—specifically a resolution in October 2025 withdrawing confidence from Dau—has been criticized for damaging community harmony. While Dau has a valid basis to sue for defamation, he has reportedly refrained out of a personal spirit of forgiveness. On January 7, 2026, RRC officially revoked TECA’s registration. RRC accused the association of violating the NGO Act of 2016 by conducting political activities incompatible with its non-profit status. Although some argue the RRC decision is inconsistent with how it treats other community associations, the suspension confirms that Gen Biar’s actions were legally “off the mark”. His accusations against Dau were politically motivated, and as punishment for the MP’s stated commitment to the unity of GBC.
It is fundamentally unjust to target Dau for his association with GBC, an entity whose widespread influence and legal standing were currently under heavy debate within Twic East and Duk counties. GBC is a legacy of the former Bor District, similar to other regional blocs like the Greater Tonj, the Greater Yei Region, the Greater Fangak or the Greater Akobo. Dau’s commitment to this union stems from his conviction that the collective unity of the Bor, the Duk, and the Twic people is the bedrock of their shared freedom and prosperity. This perspective is rooted in the Pan-Africanism and the Ubuntu philosophy—the belief that our individual identities are inextricably linked to our community. Because these three communities are interdependent, Dau’s socio-political dedication to GBC should be seen as a strength, not as a tool for character assassination. As a respected educator, elder, and public servant, he deserves to have his reputation protected rather than tarnished.
Gen Biar Mading and his cohort should wait for the upcoming 2026 elections, providing the Twic East community the opportunity to select new representation if they are dissatisfied with Dau. The push to remove Dau appears driven by political rivalry and personal envy from influential figures rather than actual legislative failure. While critics point to stagnant local development, his supporters view him as a dedicated, a veteran leader with unwavering loyalty to President Salva Kiir. For these grievances to hold, TECA’s Chairman must demonstrate how Dau’s performance lags behind MPs in South Sudan’s other 78 counties. Without such evidence, his targeted removal seems less about public service and more about a political sacrifice fueled by envy, overshines and jealousy.
To highlight Dau’s significant contributions to the Bor, the Twic, and the Duk communities and South Sudan at large, here is a summary of his key achievements from the liberation era:
Construction of the Mabior Gol Mega-dyke to mitigate the severe seasonal flooding: Since the 1990s, the Mabior Gol—a powerful stream in Jalle Payam, Bor County—has threatened the residents of Athooc, Twic East, and Duk County. The flooding between 2020 and 2024 caused the Nile to overflow, forcing the stream to breach its banks. This displaced thousands, decimated farms, and forced many to seek refuge on islands, leaving communities dependent on boats and facing severe food insecurity. Experts warned that failing to contain the stream could have permanently submerged the region, transforming much of Athooc, Twic East, Duk and even Lour Nuer areas into lakes, and cutting off vital road links to Malakal. In a swift response, Dau, alongside National Assembly colleagues; Dengtiel Ayuen Kur and Philip Thon Leek, partnered with Jonglei State Governor Dr Riek Gai Kok to mobilize a massive recovery. About 500 local youth groups, headed by Ajang-Thuch and Kor Awuou, worked tirelessly to manually seal the breach using sandbags. Humanitarian partners such as WFP and IOM complemented these efforts by providing food, shelter, and long-term infrastructure planning. The completion of the dyke in late 2025 has restored safety and improved water management for agriculture, primarily in Twic East and Athooc. The project has triggered a mass return of the displaced residents to their homes. Today, the dyke serves a dual purpose: protecting the community from rising waters and providing a popular new fishing site for locals.
Establishment of the Settlement Camp in Mongalla in June 2020 to host Twic East IDPs’ populations:In 2020, devastating floods struck Jonglei State, particularly impacting the Twic East communities and displacing thousands to Bor Town, Guolyar, and Mongalla. Upon arriving in Mongalla, the IDPs faced significant hostility. The local residents and the Central Equatoria State government feared a repeat of the 1960s, when flood victims from Jonglei allegedly refused to vacate the land after the waters receded. I witnessed how Dau personally intervened to resolve this deadlock. He initiated critical dialogues with the Bari community leaders and the state authorities to secure settlement rights for the IDPs. Leveraging his humanitarian background from the liberation era and his extensive professional network, he successfully mobilized aid agencies to conduct rapid assessments. Within just two weeks, organizations arrived to provide food, medicine, and shelter. Beyond the initial crisis in Mongalla, Dau has remained committed to the welfare of the displaced, making periodic visits to those remaining in Guolyar and Panyagoor.
Pioneering the “Lost Boys” resettlement: During his leadership at the Kakuma Refugee Camp, Dau, alongside colleagues such as William Buol Lual Mayen, Maker Kur Jok, and Maker Thiong Maal, initiated the resettlement program. This effort led to more than 2,000 “Lost Boys” moving to the United States between 2000 and 2001 through the US Refugee Admissions Program, in collaboration with the US Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) in Washington, DC.
Strategic camp leadership: As Chairman of the Kakuma camp, he hosted weekly strategy sessions with elders, teachers, and church leaders to improve the administration. These meetings were vital in maintaining community morale and mobilizing sustained loyalty and support for the SPLM/A during the liberation struggle.
Exceptional diplomacy and protection: Despite his youth at the time, his superior public relations skills and strong relationship with Kenyan authorities ensured the safety of the camp’s 250,000+ residents. Remarkably, under his watch, no refugee was ever sent to the Lodwar maximum-security prison, a testament to his effective mediation and leadership.
Following his achievements in Kakuma, Dau was asked by Dr John Garang to establish the Southern Sudan War Disabled Organization (SSWDA) in New Site, a primary base on the Kenyan border and military headquarters (GHQs) for the SPLA, to help the disabled veterans with international NGOs like the ICRC, a role that expanded into leading the Southern Sudan War Disabled, Widows and Orphans Commission (SSWDWOC) in 2005, where he championed significant legislation for disability inclusion and rights before his 2018 presidential appointment as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.
During his tenure as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dau significantly recalibrated South Sudan’s international standing and worked tirelessly to mend strained ties with Western powers, particularly the US. Despite political shifts, he remained a steadfast ally to President Kiir and the SPLM. His diplomatic excellence was personally affirmed in 2022 by the US Ambassador in Juba, who described him as the country’s most sophisticated and capable diplomat. Dau earned the respect of the global diplomatic community through his exceptional communication skills, intellectual rigor, and professional integrity. Given that his brilliance is recognized globally, one must wonder if he is a victim of the adage that “a prophet is never honored in his own land?”
A leader of such high standing deserves national reverence, not local marginalization or disrespect. For the “Kakuma Generation”—those shaped by the liberation era—any professional or personal success we enjoy today is directly rooted in the leadership of Dau. Even if you did not experience the camp’s life, the academic and career milestones achieved by your children are the direct fruits of his tireless effort. In essence, our collective progress is his legacy.
Dau is widely regarded as one of South Sudan’s most humble and accessible political figures. Known for his “humanity first” approach, he treats every individual with equal respect. He is uniquely approachable, answering calls from strangers and acquaintances alike, and is celebrated for his remarkable memory and ability to remember names.
His reputation as “Mr Networks” stems from his tireless dedication to helping others, whether providing financial aid, securing medical assistance, or advocating youth employment. He serves all South Sudanese people without bias, earning him an expansive professional and personal network that spans the country and the diaspora. Many consider his genuine character and vast connections to be unmatched in the nation’s current political landscape.
Moving forward, TECA must prioritize communication welfare and clearly distinguish between community interests and political agendas to prevent a recurrence of the misconceptions that led RRC to revoke their operating certificate. It is vital that the association protects the reputation of the Twic East community, which is widely celebrated in South Sudan and Jonglei.
Twic East remains a rare example of a society where traditional norms prevail and the elders maintain ultimate authority. This stability is best illustrated by the county’s leadership; while commissioners in neighboring Duk and Bor often face short tenures, Twic East commissioners, such as the record-breaking Diing Akol Diing and Dau Akoi Jurkuch, benefit from long-term community support. This confirms that Twic East is fundamentally an egalitarian and collective society. However, the recent campaign against a nationally and internationally respected MP, suggests a concerning erosion of these core values. Consequently, Gen Biar and the TECA leadership should cease their attacks on Dau. Rather than causing division, the community should appreciate his maturity and experience, as his presence in President Kiir’s administration and his global recognition remain a significant asset to the Twic East people, GBC, Jonglei, and South Sudan at large.
Wishing you a 2026 filled with God’s ongoing blessings and peace!
The writer, Akim Ajieth Buny, serves as a Professor of Public Administration and International Affairs at the John Garang University. He can be reached via email: akim.bunny@gmail.com
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.