The journey towards statehood for the people of present-day South Sudan has been marked by profound challenges and struggles spanning nearly two centuries. From 1821 to 2011, Southern Sudanese endured immense hardship under colonial administrations and subsequent radical Islamic regimes in Khartoum.
Sudan’s history took a drastic turn in 1821 when it fell under the invasion of Turkish and Egyptian forces. This marked the beginning of a joint authority between Turkey and Egypt over Sudan, lasting until 1885. Motivated by Muhammad Ali’s desire for Sudanese slaves and the exploitation of natural resources, this colonial government oversaw a brutal regime, including slave trading and predatory commerce.
While southern Sudan initially remained somewhat isolated during the early years of Ottoman-Egyptian rule, collaboration between the occupiers and northern Arab groups led to penetration of the region by 1827. This resulted in constant raids for ivory and slaves. The situation worsened under Khedive Ismail’s rule starting in 1863. Despite the colonial forces’ superiority in arms and training, local resistance remained strong, with locals inflicting heavy casualties on invading armies. It’s notable that Muhammad Ahmad bin Abdullah bin Fahal (Al Mahdi), who ultimately defeated the Turco-Egyptian government, included Southerners among his forces. Unfortunately, much of this history has been concealed, distorted, or misrepresented over time, such as the alteration of the Arab arrival in Sudan in the 12th century to simply “people coming to Sudan.”
However, the downfall of the Turco-Egyptian government did not bring about immediate relief, as Al Mahdi continued oppressive practices in his theocratic state from 1885 to 1899, including harsh taxation and slavery, echoing the colonialist legacy he had supposedly ousted.
From 1896 to 1899, Britain and Egypt undertook the reconquest of Sudan, ostensibly to free the Sudanese from Al Mahdi’s theocratic rule. While this held some truth, the primary motivations were strategic military and economic interests. The Mahdist State, led by Abdallahi ibn Muhammad, was defeated, paving the way for the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium administration in Khartoum from 1899 to 1955. Horatio Herbert Kitchener assumed the role of Governor General of Sudan in January 1899, succeeded by Reginald Wingate later that same year. Under this condominium government, the Egyptian and British flags flew together.
By the 1920s, Sudan had been effectively divided into two regions, North and South, through the Closed District Ordinance. Some historians attribute the formulation of this significant policy to Harold MacMichael, the Civil Secretary at the time. The policy aimed to accelerate development in the South to bring it in line with the more economically developed North. Northern Sudanese were prohibited from entering or working in the South, and the spread of Islam was actively discouraged. Efforts were made to revive African cultures and traditions disrupted by the slave trade. A directive issued in 1930 explicitly stated that the people of the southern provinces were distinct from northern Muslims and that the region should prepare for eventual integration with British East Africa.
During this period, Sudanese nationalism began to emerge, with voices advocating for unity and independence in the Nile Valley. The Khartoum administration faced growing public agitation against colonialism. Surprisingly, the first movement for Sudanese independence was orchestrated by a Southern Sudanese, Lt. Deng Tokmac (Ali Abdel Latif), who founded the United Tribes Society in 1921. By 1924, it evolved into the White Flag Society. Although this movement was suppressed, it laid the groundwork for Sudanese nationalism and resistance against oppression.
The Closed District regime persisted until its repeal following the 1947 Juba Conference, in favour of the “One Sudan Policy.” Southern Chiefs, many of whom were uneducated, were pressured to endorse the conference resolutions at face value. They were assured that a post-independence government would protect southern political and cultural rights.
The British’s failure to uphold this protectionist policy for Southern Sudan had significant repercussions in postcolonial Sudanese politics. In the South, the British were blamed for prematurely abandoning the policy without achieving its intended goal of socio-economic and political parity. Conversely, Northerners questioned the introduction of such a controversial policy, attributing it to the deep-seated divisions between North and South and the eventual disintegration of the nation.
The repeal of the Closed District Ordinance had significant ramifications. Northern Arab administrators were reintegrated into southern posts, trade restrictions were lifted, Arabic was introduced as the medium of instruction, and the promotion of Islamic faith in the South intensified.
The tipping point came with an attempt to transfer a unit of the Sudan Defense Force based in Torit to Khartoum. On August 18, 1955, this military unit, known as The Equatoria Corps and largely composed of southerners, mutinied in Torit town. The uprising resulted in the deaths of at least 75 southerners and 361 members of the establishment forces. The rebellion quickly spread to Juba, Yei, Yambio, Maridi, and other areas.
This mutiny marked the beginning of the first liberation war against the dominance and marginalization of Southern Sudanese by northern Arabs. Despite this conflict, Sudan declared independence on January 1, 1956, while the war continued in the southern region. Dr. John Garang later remarked during the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005 that Sudan’s independence in 1956 was incomplete due to ongoing conflict in the South.
It wasn’t until 1963 that Southern rebel factions coalesced into a unified movement known as the Anyanya, sometimes referred to as Anya Nya 1. Its political wing was the Southern Sudan Liberation Movement (SSLM). However, this period from 1955 to 1963 was characterized by guerrilla survival tactics lacking central command.
Founding members of the Anyanya Movement included Joseph Oduho, Gordon Muortat Mayen, Joseph Lagu, George Akumbek, Julius Moroga, Severino Fuli, Aggrey Jaden, William Deng Nhial Mabuoc, Fr. Saturnino Ohure Hilangi, among others. The Anyanya Movement emerged as a formidable rebel force in the south, supported by Ethiopia, Uganda, and Israel, while the central government received backing from Great Britain, Egypt, and the Soviet Union (USSR).
Internal strife plagued the Anyanya Movement soon after its formation. Aggrey Jaden, its initial leader, resigned in 1969 due to frustration with internal divisions. Gordon Muortat Mayen then assumed leadership but was later overthrown by his Chief of Staff, Joseph Lagu, in 1971. Many historians suggest that Gordon Muortat’s resistance would have prevented the successful negotiation of the 1972 peace accord, as internal conflicts would have engulfed the movement.
The first war concluded with the signing of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972, guaranteeing autonomy for the southern region. The SSLM/Anyanya delegation, led by Ezbon Mondiri, negotiated with the government’s team represented by Abel Alier Kwai, moderated by Burgess Carr, Secretary General of the All-Africa Conference of Churches. The agreement established a High Executive Council for autonomous Southern Sudan, with Abel Alier Kwai appointed as its first president in 1972, later replaced by Joseph Lagu in 1978.
However, some northern political groups and Muslim fundamentalists in Khartoum opposed Southern Sudan’s autonomy. Efforts to dismantle the agreement culminated in President Gaafar Mohamed Al-Nimeiri’s abrogation of the treaty in 1983, declaring Sudan an Islamic state under Sharia law, including the non-Islamic majority southern region. He abolished the High Executive Council, divided Southern Sudan into three regions, and ordered the transfer of southern forces to northern Sudan.
As a result, on May 16, 1983, Battalion 105, commanded by Kerubino Kuanyin Bol, mutinied in Malual Chaat, Bor, concurrently with Battalion 104 in Ayod under William Nyuon Bany. This event marked the effective resumption of the second Sudanese civil war. In the following month of June, Colonel John Garang de Mabior was tasked by the Sudanese government to travel south and persuade his colleagues to abandon the rebellion. However, he ended up joining them instead. Garang became the Chairman and Commander-in-Chief of the SPLA/M, with Kerubino Kuanyin Bol stepping down and nominating Garang. The third in command was William Nyuon Bany, followed by Salva Kiir Mayardit, the current President of South Sudan, and lastly, Arok Thon Arok. These commanders formed the five permanent members of the SPLA/M Political-Military High Command.
The SPLM/A faced distractions from its inception, contending with the Anya Nya II forces led by Akuot Atem and Gai Tut, remnants of Anyanya I. Ideological differences on the approach to war led to irreconcilable conflicts and eventual defeat of the Anya Nya II faction. Some of their forces were integrated into the ranks of the SPLA/M.
Subsequently, the longest civil war in African history ensued. Approximately two million people perished due to war, famine, and disease. The civilian death toll was one of the highest since World War II and was marked by numerous human rights violations, including slavery and mass killings. Over four million people were displaced. Despite the existential threat, the resolve of the Southern Sudanese to fight for their freedom remained steadfast, with civilians joining the SPLA/M in large numbers. The Movement gained strength, capturing many towns and putting the regional capital, Juba, under siege.
Unfortunately, similar to the first war, the SPLA/M experienced a deadly internal split in 1991 when Dr. Riak Machar and Dr. Lam Akol broke away from the mainstream SPLA/M. Garang described the split as a betrayal, while Machar cited ideological differences. The SPLA/M Nasir Faction later negotiated the Khartoum Peace Agreement in April 1997 with the Sudanese Government, resembling the Addis Ababa Agreement but with provisions for Southern secession. However, it proved to be unsuccessful, leading Machar to rejoin the SPLA/M in 2002, three years before the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
Peace negotiations with the Sudanese government continued in Kenya, culminating in the signing of the CPA on January 9, 2005, ending Africa’s longest civil war. Lt. Gen. (Rtd) Lazarus Kipkurui Sumbeiywo served as the Chief Mediator of the IGAD-led peace process. The Troika countries played a significant role in the successful negotiation, signing, and implementation of the CPA.
The CPA granted the right of self-determination to the people of Southern Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum after a six-year interim period. Simultaneously, the people of Abyei were to cast a separate ballot, and those of Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile were to conduct Popular Consultations. Following the signing of the CPA, Garang was appointed as the First Vice President of the Republic and President of the Southern Sudan Government. Tragically, he died in a helicopter crash on July 30, 2005, barely 21 days after assuming office, leading to Salva Kiir Mayardit taking over the presidency. The referendum was conducted on January 9, 2011, with an overwhelming 99% of Southern Sudanese citizens voting in favour of secession. Consequently, on July 9, 2011, Southern Sudan was declared an independent sovereign state, the Republic of South Sudan.
However, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement did not resolve all issues comprehensively. Key protocols remained unresolved, including the official Abyei referendum, which was supposed to occur concurrently with that of Southern Sudan. Consequently, the people of Abyei organized their own referendum in October 2013, with an overwhelming 99.9% opting to join South Sudan. Other outstanding protocols include popular consultations for the peoples of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile states, as well as the delineation of boundaries between the two nations.
Following independence, the new nation aimed to catch up with the rest of the world in terms of infrastructure and human development. Unfortunately, it was plunged into civil war in 2013, marking yet another devastating conflict that claimed thousands of lives, displaced millions, and resulted in unprecedented destruction of infrastructure. Instability was further exacerbated by intercommunal conflicts, cattle raiding, and child abductions, especially in rural areas.
Nevertheless, the first post-independence civil war was quickly ended with the signing of the Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan in August 2015. A government of National Unity was formed in April 2016, with Dr. Riak Machar appointed as the First Vice President and Dr. Wani Igga as Vice President. However, just two months after the formation of the unity government, fighting erupted in the Presidential Palace on July 8, 2016, between the bodyguards of the two leaders, later termed “The J1 Dogfight” by BBC news correspondents. Dr. Machar fled westward towards the Democratic Republic of Congo, while Gen. Taban Deng Gai was appointed to replace him through a Presidential Decree. Thus, war resumed in the new nation.
Despite setbacks, there remained hope that the agreement could be revitalized with political will from the warring parties’ leaders. Festus Mogae, then Chairperson of the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission, stated that while the peace agreement was severely wounded, it was not dead. Pressure from the region and the international community mounted on leaders to revive the agreement. After two years of negotiations and shuttle diplomacy, the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan was signed in September 2018. However, its full implementation progressed slowly. The agreement stipulated that the President would be deputized by five Vice Presidents. In February 2020, Dr. Riak Machar and four other colleagues were appointed as First Vice President and Vice Presidents of the Republic respectively.
The Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity (RTGoNU) was mandated to fully implement the agreement and organize elections at the end of the transitional period. The parties agreed to extend the agreement for two more years, citing the need for additional time to address outstanding issues. Currently, the country is on the brink of holding its first post-independence elections in December 2024. It is hoped that these elections will break the cycle of endless transitions, ushering in a new era of democratic governance, peace, development, and prosperity.
While the journey to the promised land has been long, much work remains to be done to fulfill its promise. Aluta Continua!
Albino Ayay Akol Dengdit is currently pursuing a Master of Public Administration at the University of Juba, South Sudan. The author can be reached at dengditakol@gmail.com or on +211927327775.
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.