The South Sudan People’s Defense Forces (SSPDF) is the current name of what was formerly known as the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). Since its inception in 1983, the SSPDF has been perceived as the military wing of the ruling Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), whose chairperson is the de facto President, General Salva Kiir Mayardit.
In 2018, the name was changed from SPLA to SSPDF ahead of the signing of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCISS). This change was announced by presidential decree, as reported by Sudan Tribune under the headline, “SPLA Officially Renamed South Sudan People’s Defense Forces.”
While the name has changed, the underlying policies and philosophies of the SSPDF remain unchanged. The force continues to operate with a political, discriminatory, and tribal mindset. The rationale behind the name change was to retrain and rebrand the army into a modern force capable of safeguarding the sovereignty of the nation and its people from external threats. However, this goal has not been achieved.
Promotions within the SSPDF are not based on merit but on bribery, political connections, and tribal considerations. For instance, General Stephen Buoy Rolnyang, who successfully commanded five army divisions across Greater Upper Nile, Equatoria, and Bahr El Ghazal, was denied promotion and subsequently demoted. Despite being a dedicated and disciplined officer with no record of corruption or human rights violations, General Stephen was overlooked for the position of Chief of General Staff largely because he is from the Nuer tribe, specifically from Unity State.
Apart from veterans like General Oyai Deng Ajak, General James Gathoth Mai, and perhaps General Paul Malong Awan, General Stephen Buoy was one of the most senior officers, ranking above General Jok Riak, General Johnson Okot, General Santino Deng Wol, and the current Chief of General Staff, General Paul Nang.
The roots of the current crisis can be traced back to December 15, 2013, when a civil war erupted in Juba due to political conflicts within the SPLM leadership. The conflict arose from disagreements over the conduct of party and national elections scheduled for 2013 and 2015. Prior to the war, President Kiir, who also serves as the SPLM Chairperson, announced his intention to run for president on the SPLM ticket. This decision was challenged by Dr. Riek Machar, Pagan Amum, and Rebecca Nyandeng, who also declared their candidacies.
While it was their democratic right under both the SPLM constitution and the 2011 Interim Constitution of South Sudan, President Kiir viewed their actions as a threat. He demanded that internal party elections be conducted by a show of hands, contrary to the SPLM constitution, which mandates secret ballots. When his demand was rejected, Kiir called for a change in the law to favor his position, further alienating senior SPLM cadres.
These arbitrary and undemocratic actions plunged the country into war. The conflict was rooted in a power struggle marked by a disregard for the rule of law and a departure from the democratic principles for which millions of South Sudanese had fought and died during the struggle for self-determination.
Following the outbreak of war, Dr. Riek Machar fled Juba, leaving Pagan Amum and Rebecca Nyandeng imprisoned. The violence that ensued resulted in the reported massacre of approximately 400,000 innocent Nuer civilians in Juba, as documented by the United Nations Mission in South Sudan and the African Union Commission of Inquiry.
The killings sparked widespread protests and defections within the SPLA. In a Sudan Tribune article titled “South Sudan Admits Mass Defection of Army Troops to Machar Rebels,” national legislator and government chief whip Tulio Odongo revealed that 70% of the national army defected to Machar’s rebel group in 2014. Former Interior Minister Aleu Ayieny corroborated this, stating that the Greater Upper Nile region, which had the largest concentration of South Sudan’s army, experienced significant defections to the rebellion.
In response, the government invited Uganda’s UPDF to fight alongside the SSPDF. As a result, President Kiir has been left with a small, tribal-based loyalist force supported by foreign troops.
The 2015 Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) acknowledged the absence of a national army and established two commanders-in-chief: President Kiir and First Vice President Dr. Riek Machar. The revitalized agreement (R-ARCISS) further provided for the retraining, reorientation, and reunification of armed forces to create a new national army. However, six years later, this critical security arrangement remains unimplemented, leaving South Sudan without a unified national army.
Today, South Sudan has three political coalitions—SPLM-IG, SPLM-IO, and SSOA—each with its own armed forces. These forces are expected to be reunified to form a national army. Until this happens, South Sudan cannot claim to have a national army. As it stands, the SSPDF remains the military wing of the SPLM, lacking the legal mandate to protect the lives and property of all South Sudanese citizens.
Given this context, the SSPDF cannot be permitted to operate in Nasir and Ulang counties, which are opposition strongholds. The ongoing attempts by the SSPDF to enter these areas amount to a declaration of war against the Jikany Nuer people.
In light of the above, President Kiir, as the Commander-in-Chief of the SSPDF, must order General Johnson Olony and General James Koang Chuol to cease military operations in Nasir and Ulang. Failure to do so will hold them accountable for any loss of life or destruction of property in these counties.
The writer, Dak Buoth Riek Gaak, is the National Chairperson of Legal and Constitutional Affairs for the South Sudan People’s Movement (SSPM). He can be reached via email: eligodakb@yahoo.com.
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.