In South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, a brutal military campaign led by President Salva Kiir’s government is escalating, with airstrikes targeting the Nuer ethnic group in Nasir and Longechuk counties. The bombing campaign has since spread to other Nuer-majority areas, including Jonglei and Unity states. The aerial attacks, which began on 16 March, follow violent clashes between the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces (SSPDF) and the White Army in Nasir Town, which led to the death of the army commander there on 4 March 2025.
The violence, backed by Uganda’s military, stems from a long history of neglect and brutality by Kiir’s regime, which has repeatedly violated the September 2018 revitalized peace agreement and ignored citizens’ demands for safety. Ugandan troops first fought alongside South Sudanese government forces against rebels in early 2014, providing crucial military support to Kiir’s regime. As the South Sudanese government continues to prioritize military force over peace, the international community must act to prevent further atrocities and hold both Kiir and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni accountable for their roles in this escalating crisis.
Amid ongoing tensions, the South Sudan government’s actions in Longechuk and Nasir counties reveal its disregard for the peace agreement and its prioritization of military control over peace efforts. The South Sudanese government’s war against the people of these counties, who belong to the Nuer ethnic group, is rooted in its refusal to implement the peace deal, which stipulated that unified forces composed of the SSPDF and opposition forces should ensure peace. When the residents of Nasir and Ulang requested that the government military battalion stationed in Nasir for over ten years be replaced with the unified forces because the soldiers had been abusing their mandate by raping women and girls and preventing people from fishing, among other violations, the government deceived them. Instead of honoring the citizens’ demands, the regime has deployed a combined force of the SSPDF, Aguelek, and Abushok militias to disarm the people of the two counties.
This move highlights the government’s reliance on tribal militias at the expense of the peace process. It also reflects its deliberate strategy to ensure the agreement is implemented only on its terms, rather than as stipulated in the peace document. This, in turn, further escalates the violence against the Nuer people. For readers who may not be familiar with the Abushok and Aguelek militias, Aguelek is a Shilluk militia led by Lt. Gen. Johnson Olony, who also serves as a high-ranking officer in the South Sudan People’s Defense Forces. Meanwhile, Abushok is a militia group from the Ngok Dinka community. These militia groups are funded and armed by the South Sudanese government.
However, the government is unwilling to admit its mistakes. Instead of adhering to peace provisions and addressing citizens’ demands, it has shifted focus from the causes of the conflict between the White Army and the SSPDF to accusing opposition parties, such as the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-In Opposition (SPLM-IO), of orchestrating the ongoing crisis in Upper Nile State. Days before the government bombed Nasir and Longechuk counties on March 16, 2025, senior government officials like Defense Minister Gen. Chol Thon Balok and Chief of Defense Forces Gen. Paul Nang Majok publicly threatened to carry out a revenge campaign in Nasir, along with other areas they deemed a threat to the regime’s existence. These officials also declared that they would prevent any opposing political or military figures, especially those from the SPLM-IO, from leaving the capital, Juba.
The airstrikes targeting civilians are not aimed at the White Army but are part of a calculated effort to spill the blood of the Nuer, echoing the brutal massacre in Juba in December 2013. The government has expanded its air campaign to other Nuer-majority areas, including airstrikes on March 18, 2025, in Akobo County, Jonglei State. The bloodshed in South Sudan is not a series of isolated events. It is part of the government’s deliberate and systematic campaign of violence, intended to impede the peace process and maintain the current dictatorial political system. The promise of justice has been shattered; homes in Nasir, Longechuk, Akoba, and other areas have been burned to the ground, and lives have been stolen in cold blood by the regime—all to maintain the current tyrannical political system in the country. The Nuer have been marked for destruction by Kiir’s regime as they now target Nuer in Nasir and Longechuk, a chilling reminder of the regime’s brutality it once demonstrated in its December 2013 tribally-motivated door-to-door killing spree of Nuer in Juba. The South Sudanese government’s forces, with help from the UPDF, are committing the same appalling crimes they committed soon after the December 2013 civil war broke out.
Uganda’s military involvement in South Sudan, especially through airstrikes in Longechuk, Nasir, and other counties, is motivated by economic interests. Uganda seeks to maintain its influence over South Sudan’s markets, notably by controlling a significant portion of Juba’s food supply, from which many essential goods are imported from Uganda. This economic dominance allows Uganda to leverage its military presence, safeguarding its commercial interests and maintaining control over vital goods. Uganda’s support for South Sudan’s government has a dark history, marked by incidents like the use of cluster bombs. In January 2014, credible reports suggested that Uganda used cluster bombs against South Sudanese rebels and civilians. Today, Uganda is employing similar tactics, causing death or harm to civilians and continuing its role in exacerbating the conflict. Additionally, the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE), which wields significant influence over President Kiir, has obstructed peace efforts, perpetuating a political environment that favors the Dinka ethnic group while marginalizing others. This has deepened South Sudan’s divisions and instability. For President Museveni, South Sudan is a ‘cash cow,’ meaning it serves as a significant economic source of profit. Uganda’s support for Kiir is driven by financial gain, as the ongoing conflict allows Uganda to maintain its economic dominance in South Sudan. Museveni’s backing of Kiir’s strategy to impede the full implementation of the peace accord further highlights Uganda’s role in obstructing the peace process.
The world cannot stand by while history threatens to repeat itself in South Sudan. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the African Union (AU), and the international community must act swiftly to end Salva Kiir’s genocidal campaign in Upper Nile State and other regions. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) must also not allow Museveni to commit further atrocities under the guise of defending his tyrannical regional ally, Kiir. However, peace efforts will remain undermined unless political elites, including the JCE, are held accountable for their role in perpetuating divisive ethnic politics. Only then can true peace and stability be achieved in South Sudan. Immediate action is needed, including severe sanctions on Uganda for its persistent complicity in the violence and a ban on the use of mercenaries, such as the UPDF, in South Sudan. Additionally, peacekeeping missions must be strengthened to protect civilians from further atrocities, and South Sudan’s oil exports should be blacklisted to hold both the Kiir and Museveni regimes accountable. Maximum diplomatic pressure must be applied to both leaders to ensure they honor the 2018 peace agreement and put an end to their systematic campaign of terror. The blood of the Nuer has soaked South Sudan’s soil before, and it must not be allowed to happen again. The international community must stand firm against these human rights violations and ensure that justice prevails, preventing further bloodshed and bringing stability to the region.
Duop Chak Wuol is an analyst, writer, and former editor-in-chief of the South Sudan News Agency. He is a graduate of the University of Colorado and can be reached at duop282@gmail.com.
The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.